Everyday Anti-Semitism in Pre-war Nazi Germany: The Popular Bases (Part B)
Source: Michael H. Kater, Yad Vashem Studies XVI (Jerusalem, 1984), pp. 129-159.
Consequently, the boycott of Jewish businesses and professional offices was launched on April 1 and continued for days thereafter, engineered by the SA and, in certain localities, by the SS. The efficiency of its execution apparently left much to be desired, certainly in the eyes of the government. And this is of prime significance for the purposes of this exposition. For example, the fact that the boycott was allowed to get out of hand locally, and that in some areas, such as East Prussia and Lueneburg, it was begun several days ahead of schedule, goes a long way to fit the thesis of anti-Semitic spontaneity and to contradict the elements of planning, direction, and manipulation of the "Jewish Question" by officials of the Nazi regime, whose existence has commonly been posited 31 .
The period from March to early August 1933 in particular was one of unbridled SA violence throughout Germany 32 . Its perpetrators claimed that this violence was justified on "revolutionary" grounds, and in this form, Adolf Hitler, the supreme revolutionary, tacitly approved of it, although as Chancellor of the Reich he was pledged to safeguard the time-honoured institutions of state. The violence was directed against anyone who was regarded as an enemy of the regime, and particularly against the Jews. One may argue that much of the terror perpetrated by bands of SA-men was carefully monitored by some responsible SA command post, which in turn was linked to a certain official agency of the regime, and hence that any actions against Jews, for instance, were decreed from above or at least officially sanctioned. But there are two considerations that serve to refute this view. One is the simple fact that at that time in Germany the SA comprised approximately two million men over the age of 17, or roughly 10 percent of the entire civilian male population in the corresponding age brackets 33 . If one now presumes that the SA by virtue of its historic and contemporary self-perception was violently anti-Semitic, one is inevitably led to the conclusion that in the early summer of 1933 every tenth male adult German was inimically disposed toward Jeers. This figure does not take into account members of the NSDAP, the SS, the Nazi Motor Corps, or other party affiliates who in all likelihood were also anti-Semites. Therefore, any anti-Jewish infringement commenced by the activist representatives of Germany's known anti-Semitic 10 percent, must have gained the approval of a much larger, inactive section of the entire German population.
Hence, from a demographic viewpoint, it is difficult to conceptualise the capricious acts of terror of the SA against Jews as having been executed in total isolation from public opinion as a whole, and this connection establishes a potential for the German people's complicity in anti-Jewish crimes to a much higher degree than has previously been asserted (34). The second consideration relates to the links in the chain of command from the highest state or party sources down to the spontaneous SA activists. The anti-Jewish harassment was often triggered at very low SA-command levels, both vertically (in the hierarchy) and horizontally (in the geographic location). More often than not, SA-Scharfuehrer or Sturmfuehrer, the equivalents of sergeant or second lieutenant, respectively, initiated the raids on their own authority; frequently, in the absence of their immediate superior, three or four ordinary rank and file members of the SA would start a rumpus 35, which was then pour factum approved by the political police or the Interior Ministry. Such incidents may today be reported by historians as having been planned and directed in Berlin. On the other hand, there is no denying that Hitler's peculiar aura of calculated permissiveness, in which his old supporters thrived, could only encourage such developments 36 .
The wanton terror of the SA was nation-wide. In Breslau on March 11, 1933, SA bands invaded a department store that was said to be Jewish-owned, and then made their way to the judicial chambers and lawyers' offices. Ludwig Foerder, a Jewish attorney, was clubbed over the head with a lead cudgel, but managed to save his life by escaping to nearby Czechoslovakia. His colleague Walter Eckstein, a World War I veteran like Foerder, was tortured by the Brown Shirts for five days until he died 37 . Similar SA rampages against Jewish lawyers and judges were waged in Chemnitz, Gleiwitz, Goerlitz, and Berlin 38 . In the capital itself, anybody who was Jewish was unsafe. The home of artist Steinhardt, a student of Louis Corinth, was raided by the SA in April; allegedly he was suspected of hiding a radio transmitter. Nothing happened to him because his neighbour, a Nazi party member, shielded him and he was thus able to emigrate to Palestine 39 .
Especially vulnerable were the members of the Jewish petite bourgeoisie because many of the SA were in the same business and simply regarded them as rivals. Three examples of precipitate aggression serve to document this. On March 12, in the small town of Arys (East Prussia), five SA-men, armed to their teeth, invaded the home of cattle-dealer Itzig just before midnight. His daughter complained about the transgression in a letter to Prussian Minister-President Goering:
At once, a SA-man said to my father: Why, you dirty dog, you are still in bed and want to resist?' He then drew a weapon. When my mother saw this, she threw herself upon my father, who was sitting on his bed, trying to put on his trousers. He was pulled back onto the bed and the shot passed by his head and hit the window. Then the same SA-man first beat my father, then my mother, and finally myself with a rubber truncheon. My mother received a deep cut on her head, and my forehead was also lacerated. The doctor can vouch for this. Then they searched the entire house, but we have no weapons and nothing was found. My father had his hands tied behind his back and then they took him away. The people are saying that he put up a fight, but this is not true. Outside the front door all of my father's competitors had gathered, and they behaved in such an indecent manner that l, as a young girl, cannot relate of this to you' 40 .
In Dresden, the SA committed acts that surpassed the boycott of April 1. Jewish prayer houses were stormed and 25 worshippers arrested. Five Polish Jews among them were forced to drink castor oil, while other Jews had to submit to the shaving of their beards or to the clipping of their hair 41 . Finally, in Munich, also in April, the SA entered Jewish shops, led the customers outside, and forced the proprietors to close down. In some instances shop assistants were maltreated 42 .
Such arbitrary actions were not the sole prerogative of the SA. The Brown Shirts set the example, and other ancillary party organisations, sometimes even state institutions, emulated them. Two of these party organisations were the Hitler Youth (Hitlerjugend - HJ), and the National-Socialist Lawyers' League (BNSDJ). Again in Munich, during the night of May 12, HJ members posted signs on the outskirts of the city reading "Jews Not Wanted." 43 Nazi jurists, during a convention in Leipzig on March 14, demanded the "cleansing" of all German law courts of officials of a "foreign race" and the dissolution of all Jewish attorneys' offices - three weeks before the official "legislation" was enacted 44 .
Among governmental agencies whose malfunctions against Jews are documented for those weeks were the municipality of Munich, the Bavarian Political Police, and the Bavarian Ministry of Justice. The first of these sent circulars to Gentile businessmen in Munich warning them not to have any dealings with Jewish business partners. There was not even a trace of legal precedent for such a step 45 . The Bavarian Political Police (Bapopo), headed by Heinrich Himmler, exceeded its legal competency by using the Emergency Ordinance promulgated after the Reichstag fire on February 28, 1933 , in order toara wide circle of Munich Jews who were totally innocent of any misdemeanour 46 . And in April 1933 the Bavarian Justice Ministry managed, by means of administrative manipulations, to impel Jewish justices to resign their positions, although they were not in any way affected by the stipulations of the April 7 Law 47 .
This tradition of pseudo-legality in discriminations against German Jews, established in the spring of 1933, was continued by agencies of the state and of the party in the following months and years. There is particularly rich evidence for 1935, in connection with the infamous race legislation of September, and aided by a certain lull in anti-Jewish agitation during 1934, when Hitler's main occupation was, ironically, with Ernst Roehm and the corrupt leadership of the burgeoning SA. Although the SA was stifled after June 1934 48 , it had been left with sufficient energy to carry on its anti-Jewish binges. Thus in July 1935, in a small town in Saxony, a few SA-men provoked the manager of Eckstein's Central Store and involved him in a brawl, until police arrived and arrested the innocent Jew 49 . A month later a Jewish storeowner in Dresden was subjected to similar treatment in an incident capriciously staged by SA members 50 . Such action was stepped up when the race laws were being promulgated. In September 1935, rural SA in Herxheim (Palatinate) went after a Jewish cattle-dealer who sought refuge in a friendly farmer's house. Not only did the hoodlums drive that merchant out of town (without any legal ground) but they also demolished the farmer's property 51 . At the same time in Papenburg (north west Germany), the site of a notorious concentration camp, the SA seized the Jewish cattle-broker Sigmund Windus, hung a defamatory sign around his neck, and forced him to beat a large drum while they dragged him around town 52 . Once again the SA was not alone in this rampage. As in previous months, the same kinds of degradation and identical acts of random terror were perpetrated with little or no "legal" justification, even according to the widest of Nazi standards, by units of the HJ 53 , by party affiliates such as NS-Hago, the Nazi traders' and shopkeepers' association 54 , and by municipal administrative offices of all sorts 55 .
Between 1933 and 1939, discrimination by Germans against Jews in the private sphere, without the involvement or sanction of state or party agencies and without heed to existing laws, was both spontaneous and calculated. It spanned the entire spectrum from verbal humiliation to denunciation, depredation, a physical harm. It could be committed by individuals or by corporate bodies, who may have had formal connections with party or state, but were not under their directive at the time of the transgressions. These acts were everyday events, and they were possible both because there was a tradition of populist anti-Semitism in Germany and because Hitler had created an atmosphere in the Third Reich in which Jews were progressively being deprived of their civil rights.
Ingrained anti-Jewish prejudices often caused citizens of the Third Reich to become tactless or needlessly offensive to Jews. Some of these offenders were women who had long believed in the bio-sexist stereotype of the Jew as a filthy but nevertheless intriguing seducer of "Aryan" maidens - a stereotype publicised decades before the advent of Hitler, in books such as Artur Dinter's Die Suende wider das Blut 56 . Here, then, the sexual and other racist-ideological motives were mixed. As one young woman told US interrogators after World War II, she had long thought, even prior to her school classes in race theory, that Jews were simply disgusting. They are so fat, they all have flat feet and they can never look you straight in the eye. I could not explain my dislike for them.' She then readily admitted that such views had been inherited in childhood from her father 57 . This kind of racist-sexual motive often played a key role in anonymous denunciations of Jews, usually of men with blond German girl friends 58 . Even educated upper-class women fell victim to this cliché; significantly, the unmarried among them frequently exhibited a hysterical admiration for the Fuehrer 59 . Nor did "seductresses" go unpunished. During June 1935 in Mudersbach near Wetzlar, the "Aryan" Karl Gelzenleuchter was prevented from marrying the Jewess Martha Mayer by an anti-Semitic magistrate who acted without recourse to existing laws but whose decision was upheld, months before the novel and binding race legislation, by a Wetzlar court. At times, this sexual motive was inverted. In a small town in Hesse a Gentile butcher's apprentice was helping his Jewish master's widow run the shop, until in the summer of 1935 he decided to make a sexual pass at her. The widow resisted and proceeded to dismiss him, whereupon he denounced her to the SA. The SA-men mistreated and insulted the Jewish woman, before she was formally arrested. 60 Pure malice and a sadistic disposition were another motive. Dr. Else Behrend-Rosenfeld, a German Jewess who escaped the Holocaust only through an incredible run of good luck, has related the following pathetic story: in 1934 Frau Winterling took her and her children into her house near Munich and, while feigning sympathy, acted as a spy for the Nazi authorities 61 . Physical cruelty was just as common. At the end of 1934 the chauffeur of a Nazi functionary in Leer (East Friesland) got hold of a Jewish cattle-dealer, pulled him up by his coat, fastened the collar to an iron gate, and left the poor man hanging 62 . Later on that year, demonstrations that resulted in violence against Jewish store owners in Munich were incited by a former SA-man, who, upon closer examination by the authorities, could prove no affiliation whatsoever with the NSDAP 63 . The sexual factor may also have played a part in the discrimination against Jewish medical students by their Gentile fellows at German universities, and Jewish physicians by their Gentile colleagues 64 . German medical students had been under heavy pressure from potential Jewish competition in the Weimar Republic, when the percentage of Jewish students in the medical faculties had been the second highest in any discipline 65 . There is evidence that in the first few years of the Nazi dictatorship they attempted to accelerate the government's anti-Jewish legislation by initiating inter-faculty measures of their own. One of these was the proposal that Jewish interns should not be allowed to perform genital inspection on "Aryan" women, so as to exclude the Jew from the realm of "German" sexuality even in clinical surroundings. This measure was adopted in most German medical faculties in the spring of 1936, clearly as an immediate consequence of the Nuremberg Race Laws of the preceding fall, but in contravention of the yet existing legislation governing the academic and social rights of Jewish university students 66 .
Additional stipulations in the medical students' proposal of 1936 called for the manifold restriction of Jewish interns with a view to curtailing their overall professional prospects as doctors. In this case, the motive was blatantly economic 67 . In their efforts to oust Jewish colleagues from the profession, Gentile medical students Gild doctors stopped short of nothing, particularly since the evolving anti-Jewish legislation was considered much too cumbersome. Jewish physicians were not legally forbidden to practice medicine until an act to that effect was passed on September 30, 1938 68 . But German physicians, with the help of their professional unions, found ways to exclude their Jewish colleagues from their ranks long before that date 69 . One popular ploy was to evict Jewish doctors from the monopolistic health plan association (Kassenaerztliche Vereinigung Deutschlands - KVD), membership in which was obligatory for the treatment of patients covered by health insurance. Invariably, the Jewish doctors were ostracised on the basis of false evidence. In the case of Jewish Doctor M. from Waldenburg (Lower Silesia), who, like so many of his Israelite colleagues, had seen active service during World I and was therefore, for a while, exempt from certain anti-Jewish government clauses, the KVD denied his war record and wrote: Under these circumstances [the KVD] cannot be blamed for wanting to exclude from its ranks a colleague who constantly has damaged the honour and the prestige of the medical profession by his conduct.' 70 In the case of another Jewish physician, Dr. T., a KVD functionary stated early in 1938 that it was the principle of the Vereinigung to make compensation payments due to Jewish physicians after their eviction, only if the association has actually been compelled to do so by court order.' 71
Occasionally, German doctors risked a brush with the law in order to disadvantage their Jewish colleagues. In Reichenhall near Munich, a certain German Dr. Z. simply moved into the premises and practice of Jewish Dr. Stern in October 1933 while the latter was recuperating in Merano (Italy) from a stroke. As a regional state official reported to the Bavarian Political Police, Dr. Z. wrote to Dr. Stern that the party had confiscated his residence, in order to circumvent the payment of compensation to Dr. Stern and to prevent him from bringing the matter to the attention of the courts.' 72 In Saxon Crimmitschau during the summer of 1935, the baptised Jew Dr. Boas, a dermatologist and reserve officer, had his windows broken and his professional sign destroyed at the instigation of his "Aryan" colleagues. Although the action was obviously illegal and the courts would have had to back Boas, the SA interceded and took the "prosecution" into its own hands. Boas' dwelling was ransacked and the doctor marched off to "protective custody." 73
References:
31The customary interpretation of the boycott is as in Stokes, p. 172. The ΓÇ£planningΓÇ¥ is also stressed in Schleunes, pp. 62ΓÇô91, although on pp. 79, 84, 85 the author mentions interesting capricious incidents. See also Adam, pp. 60ΓÇô61, 86; and Jeremy Noakes and Geoffrey Pridham, eds., Documents on Nazism, 1919ΓÇô1945 , London, 1974 (hereafterΓÇôNoakes and Pridham), p. 461. The indiscriminate action just prior to April 1, 1933, is documented in anonymous [Centralverein East Prussia] to Centrale, Berlin [Koenigsberg], March 27, 1933, SAG, SF 6818, GAΓÇô29 (for East Prussia); and Klaus-Dieter Krohn and Dirk Stegmann, ΓÇ£Kleingewerbe und Nationalsozialismus in einer agrarisch-mittelstaendischen Region: Das Beispiel Lueneburg 1930ΓÇô1939,ΓÇ¥ Archiv fuer Sozialgeschichte 17, 1977: 87ΓÇô88. See also ibid. , pp. 88ΓÇô90, for other ΓÇ£extracurricularΓÇ¥ boycott activities (for Lueneburg).
32 Eric G. Reiche, ΓÇ£From Spontaneous' to Legal Terror: SA, Police, and the Judiciary in Nuernberg, 1933ΓÇô34,ΓÇ¥ European Studies Review 9, 1979: 240.
33 The calculation is according to figures in Michael H. Kater, ΓÇ£Ansaetze zu einer Soziologie der SA bis zur Roehmkrise,ΓÇ¥ Ulrich Engelhardt et al., eds., Soziale Bewegung und politische : Beitraege zur Geschichte der modernen Welt , Stuttgart, 1976, p. 799, note 5; and Statistisches Jahrbuch fuer das Deutsche Reich 1935 , pp. 12ΓÇô13 (based on the census for 1933).
34 My view is supported by the argument in Bein, pp. 372ΓÇô73.
35 A good example of this is in the excerpt, ΓÇ£Halbmonatsbericht des Regierungspraesidenten von Ober- und Mittelfranken,ΓÇ¥ April 7, 1933, in Broszat et al., pp. 434ΓÇô35.
36 For an evaluation of Hitler's relationship with his old cronies, the Alte Kaempfer , before 1933, see Michael H. Kater, ΓÇ£Hitler in a Social Context,ΓÇ¥ Central European History 14, 1981: 259ΓÇô60.
37 Schleunes, pp. 71ΓÇô72; Ludwig Foerder, ΓÇ£SA-Terror in Breslau,ΓÇ¥ in Gerhard Schoenberner, ed., Wir haben es gesehen: Augenzeugenberichte ueber Terror und Judenverfolgung im Dritten Reich , Hamburg, 1962, pp. 18ΓÇô22.
38 Adam, p. 47.
39 Martin Gumpert, Hoelle im Paradies: Selbstdarstellung eines Arztes , Stockholm, 1939, p. 131.
40 Fraeulein Itzig to Goering, Arys, March 15, 1933, SAG, SF 6818, GAΓÇô29. Also see Dr. Hirschberg, Centralverein Deutscher Staatsbuerger Juedischen Glaubens e.V., to Centralverein, Landesverband Ostpreussen, Berlin, March 23, 1933, ibid.
41 Letter by US Consul in Leipzig, Ralph Busser, of April 5, 1933, reprinted in Noakes and Pridham, p. 460.
42 Hanke, p. 128. For more examples of this kind in other parts of the Reich see Fliedner, p. 113; Wissman, pp. 201ΓÇô02; Schleunes, pp. 72ΓÇô73.
43 Hanke, p. 127.
44 See Adam, p. 48; and n. 28 above.
45 Hanke, pp. 100ΓÇô01.
46 Ibid. , pp. 81ΓÇô82.
47 Ibid. , p. 97; and n. 28 above. Also see Helmut M. Hanko, ΓÇ£Kommunalpolitik in der Hauptstadt der Bewegung' 1933ΓÇô1935: Zwischen revolutionaerer' Umgestaltung und VerwaltungskontinuitaetΓÇ¥ (hereafterΓÇôHanko), in Martin Broszat et al., eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit III: Herrschaft und Gesellschaft im Konflikt, Teil B , Munich and Vienna, 1981, pp. 396ΓÇô97.
48 See Michael H. Kater, ΓÇ£Zum gegenseitigen Verhaeltnis von SA und SS in der Sozialgeschichte des Nationalsozialismus von 1925 bis 1939,ΓÇ¥ Vierteljahrschrift fuer Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 62, 1975: 364ΓÇô72.
49 Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 807ΓÇô808.
50 Ibid. , p. 929.
51 Ibid. , p. 1030.
52 Ibid. , p. 1038.
53 Ibid. , p. 811, July 1935; Landrat Schraermeyer, memorandum ΓÇ£Betr.: Berichterstattung in polizeilichen Angelegenheiten,ΓÇ¥ Hechingen, June 27, 1935, Staatsarchiv Sigmaringen (hereafterΓÇôSAS), HO 235, IΓÇôVIII, F 23; excerpt, ΓÇ£Monatsbericht der Polizeidirektion Muenchen,ΓÇ¥ June 4, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 443.
54 Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 25, 1035ΓÇô36.
55 Ibid., pp. 921, 1027, 1032ΓÇô33, 1039, 1042; excerpt, ΓÇ£Taetigkeitsbericht des Gauamts fuer Kommunalpolitik, Gau Franken,ΓÇ¥ July 10, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, p. 448; Falk Wiesemann, ΓÇ£Juden auf dem Lande: die wirtschaftliche Ausgrenzung der juedischen Viehhaendler in Bayern,ΓÇ¥ in Peukert and Reulecke, pp. 384ΓÇô86.
56 Artur Dinter, Die Suende wider das Blut: Ein Zeitroman , 3rd ed., Leipzig, 1919.
57 Testimony of Hildegard Trutz in Louis Hagen, Follow My Leader , London, 1951, p. 259.
58 Example in Hans Robinsohn, Justiz als politische Verfolgung: Die Rechtsprechung in ΓÇ£RassenschandefaellenΓÇ¥ beim Landgericht Hamburg 1936ΓÇô1943 , Stuttgart, 1977, p. 18. See also O. D. Kulka, ΓÇ£'Public Opinion' in National Socialist Germany and the Jewish Question'ΓÇ¥ (hereafterΓÇôKulka), Zion: Quarterly for Research in Jewish History 40, 1975, pp. 262, 265; doc. 13 (September 26, 1933), in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung der juedischen Buerger in Baden-Wuerttemberg durch das nationalsozialistische Regime , ed., Paul Sauer, Stuttgart, 1966, 1: 24; Ulrich Knipping, Die Geschichte der Juden in Dortmund waehrend der Zeit des Dritten Reiches , Dortmund, 1977 (hereafterΓÇôKnipping), p. 45.
59 See the example in Viktor Klemperer, LTI , [East] Berlin, 1949, pp. 113ΓÇô14. See also Bruno Gebhard, Im Strom und Gegenstrom 1919ΓÇô1937 , Wiesbaden, 1976, p. 59.
60 Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 804. The Mudersbach episode is from Ziel und Weg 5, 1935: 427ΓÇô28.
61 Behrend-Rosenfeld, pp. 24ΓÇô49.
62 Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 69. Other examples of unprovoked physical violence by civilians are in Franke, pp. 215ΓÇô17.
63 Excerpt, ΓÇ£Monatsbericht der Polizeidirektion Muenchen,ΓÇ¥ June 4, 1935, in Broszat et al., 1977, pp. 444ΓÇô45.
64 Regarding practising physicians see the hate propaganda, ΓÇ£Das Raubtier,ΓÇ¥ by Ernst Hiemer, cited in Arnd Mueller, Geschichte der Juden in Nuernberg 1146ΓÇô1945 , Nuremberg, 1968 (hereafterΓÇôMueller), pp. 263ΓÇô64; and Deutschland-Berichte 2, 1935: 809ΓÇô10.
65 See table 11 in Kater, Studentenschaft , pp. 218ΓÇô19.
66 The document I have cited is from the Medical Student Associations ( Medizinische Fachschaft ) of Hamburg University but typical for other such documents contained in the Wuerzburg Student Archive. ΓÇ£Bericht aus der Medizinischen Fachschaft der Studentenschaft der Universitaet Hamburg,ΓÇ¥ Berlin, April 17, 1936, Archiv der ehem. Reichsstudentenfuehrung und des NSD-Stundentenbundes, Wuerzburg (hereafterΓÇôARW), I* 80 g 581/2. It was only on June 18, 1936, that the Reich Education Ministry left the decision regarding Jewish gynaecology interns to the individual universities, and then not to student leaders but to hospital directors. See Albrecht Goetz von Oelenhusen, ΓÇ£Die nichtarischen' Studenten an den deutschen Hochschulen: Zur nationalsoziRassenpolitik 1933ΓÇô1945ΓÇ¥ (hereafterΓÇôOelenhusen), Vierteljahreshefte fuer Zeitgeschichte 14, 1966: 184, especially note 52; and doc. 197, June 18, 1936, in Dokumente ueber die Verfolgung , pp. 242ΓÇô43. Governmental legislation from 1933 on permitted pre-1933 registered Jewish students of medicine to continue with their studies. After April 1934, they could not take doctoral examinations unless they relinquished their German citizenship. An ordinance of April 15, 1937 prohibited all Jewish students from earning a doctoral degree. For details, see Siegfried Boschan, Nationalsozialistische Rassen- und Familiengesetzgebung: Praktische Rechtsanwendung und Auswirkungen auf Rechtspflege, Verwaltung und Wirtschaft , Berlin, 1937, p. 167; Uwe Dietrich Adam, Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus: Die Universitaet Tuebingen im Dritten Reich , Tuebingen, 1977, p. 116; Oelenhusen, p. 91.
67 See ΓÇ£Bericht...ΓÇ¥ of April 17, 1936, as in n. 6 above. Also, pertaining to the medical faculty of Wuerzburg University, Winheim, Stellvertretender Fachschaftsleiter Medizin, Klinikerschaft Wuerzburg, Pathologisches Institut, Luitpoldkrankenhaus, to Bayerisches Staatsministerium fuer Unterricht und Kultus, Wuerzburg, October 1, 1935, ARW, IV* 1, 31/10.
68 ΓÇ£Vierte Verordnung zum Reichsbuergergesetz,ΓÇ¥ July 25, 1938, in Johannes Buettner, ed., Der Weg zum nationalsozialistischen Reich: Dokumente zur Verwirklichung des Programms der NSDAP , Berlin, 1943, 1: 150.
69 From the perspective of a former victim, the process is described in detail in Siegfried Ostrowski, “Vom Schicksal juedischer Ärzte im Dritten Reich: Ein Augenzeugenbericht aus den Jahren 1933–1939,” Bulletin des Leo Baeck Instituts 6, 1963: 319–51.
70 KVD chapter Waldenburg to KVD Lower Silesia, Waldenburg, September 4, 1935, Unterlagder Kassenaerztlichen Vereinigung Deutschlands und der Reichsaerztekammer, West Berlin (hereafterΓÇôUK), PLA/235. For an example from Heilbronn, see facsimile letter of June 12, 1933, in Franke, p. 115.
71 Behrendt to Schulz, Berlin, February 10, 1938, UK, PLA/243. One German-Jewish physician who had moved to Palestine and whose insurance premiums were being withheld by the KVD in 1937 sued the association in a Saxon court and won his case. See correspondence of Dr. W., 1937, UK, PLA/248.
72 Swoboda to Bapopo, Munich, October 13, 1933, Staatsarchiv Muenchen, LRA/30656.
